Showing posts with label Terrorism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Terrorism. Show all posts

Do not insult the colour Saffron, Mr Chidu!

Sunday, September 5, 2010


Dear Chidu,

I understand very well that being born in the "Royal family of Chettinad", you have not been exposed to the colour Saffron (sacrifice) much and things came to you quite easily in life. I have been quite amused by the way you have been colour coding things related to terrorism of late. Take for example, the latest term coined by you- Saffron terror. Understandably the print and visual media went gaga over this new term and the euphoria has hardly died till now.

Have you ever noticed what an Oxymoron you have given birth to? Being a moron yourself, you must be in a better position to understand this than me, right? What exactly is "Saffron terror"? How can the colour Saffron which signifies valour, sacrifice and unquestioned nationalism since ages in India, be termed as terrorist? Or are you trying to imply that the Sangh Parivar has exclusive rights over the colour? People are too soft when they are in majority in India right? That is why you can go on talking crap, expecting them to take everything with a large pinch of salt? How convenient!

Not going into the merits of your claims about the link between Sangh and some freak terrorist attacks, I want to ask you just one thing. Do you have the guts to colour code global terrorism further and come up with another term like- say "Green Terror"? Can you Chidu? Can you really do that?

I know you will not do that. Your masters in 10 Janpath and elsewhere will not allow that. Further, you are not courageous enough to invite the wrath of the "Seculars" by uttering anything about the "Green Terror".

Anyway, I discount even that. Why not look into one more shade of terror which is 100 times more potent than the colour you have strong fetish for these days? Please do something about the "Red Terror" which threatens to take over a major chunk of our country. Our CRPF and Police jawans are not that expendable as you are making them to be, and you cannot just leave it to the states to fight this kind of terror.

The present Tri-colour to which all Indians, except some namakharaams in Lal Chawk, bow to has the colour Saffron on it as the top most one. When you insult the colour saffron, you are insulting the valour of Maharan Pratap, the jauhar and saka of the Rajputs, the sacrifice of the Gurus and the flag of Chattrapati Shivaji. Do not mess with our heritage with your brand of politics! Otherwise you will cease to command any respect left by now.

So Chidu, please wake up, smell a kappa coffee and deliver! Open your eyes and see where the real threat is coming from. And till then, please do not insult the colour saffron just for the sake of drawing attention away from your incompetence.


Regrads
Rebel

Satan's own brigade

Monday, April 26, 2010

"Ilahi ...! Bhej de Mahmood koi ...!"
"Waiting ...! For Ghaznavi !!!"

You may wonder who are these sinister people who want Mahmud of Gazni to come back and ravage India once again. Well they are not foreigners but our own people. They are SIMI - Students Islamic Movement of India.

Why has SIMI emerged as one of the most feared organizations posing a thread to India's security and stability? Lets have a look:

Origin of SIMI:
Established on 25th April 1977 in Aligarh, the headquarters of SIMI used to be in Jakir Nagar, New Delhi. In its 32 years of existance, SIMI has gathered some 1 million members, some 500 of which are hardcore 'Ansars'.

Organization:
Ansar : Regular Student members - 500
Ikqwan : Related members - 100,000
Aiwan : Supporters - 10,00,000

Ideology :

  • "No compromise on Babri masjid, we will build the mosque again"
  • "Jehad is our only way and martyrdom the only aim."
  • "Osama Bin Laden - Islam's Gazi (warrior) and exterminator of Kafirs (Non believers)"
  • "Vande Maataram is a direct attack in Islam and singing it is shameful"
- Shahid Badar Falahi
President, SIMI
  • "We don't have any respect for Nehru and Gandhi ... Osama is really great"
- Safdar Nagauri

SIMI works by exploiting the feeling of insecurity among the muslims of India. It claims that muslims are exploited everywhere in India and a 'Jehad' is necessary to save Islam in the country. The ideals of SIMI include Osama Bin Laden, Masud Azhar and the militants in Kashmir. SIMI has very close relationship with Hizbul-Mujahiddin, LeT and Al Quaida. It gets a lot of funds from the World Assembly of Youth, Riyadh and International Islamic Fedaration of Student's organization.

Shaheen Force, the outfit’s wing for schoolchildren, seeks to "protect the children from present-day misguidance and vices" and keeps them "under the shade of Islamic culture". The outfit also has a wing that aims to channelise the talent of girls for the Islamist cause.

SIMI is also reportedly involved in a continuous recruitment drive for the HuJI-B in Uttar Pradesh's Jaunpur, Allahabad, Kanpur, Lucknow, Ambedkar Nagar, Aligarh, Azamgarh, Sonauli, Ferozabad and Hathras areas. Further, SIMI cadres, sources indicate, are involved in the safe transportation of explosives and creation of channels for funds and securing safe houses for the HuJI-B cadres.

Groups of SIMI sympathizers reportedly exist in several places in the Gulf States. Jamayyatul Ansar, an organisation of SIMI activists comprising expatriate Indian Muslims, reportedly operates in Saudi Arabia.

Several Islamist fundamentalist organisations in India are allegedly controlled by former SIMI cadres. Prominent among them are the Kerala-based National Democratic Front and Islamic Youth Centre (IYC), and the Tamil Nadu Muslim Munnetra Kazhagam (TMMK) in Tamil Nadu.

According to official sources, in the year 1993 following the arrest of a Sikh terrorist, it was revealed that SIMI cadres, Sikh and Kashmiri terrorists, had been brought together by the ISI through the Jamaat-e-Islami in Pakistan to carry out subversive activities.



Incidents

2009

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July 20: The Maharashtra Police arrested four SIMI militants from Mana village in the Akola District. The cadres were arrested while trying to flee in an Indica car, before they were intercepted. After receiving an initial tip off from intelligence inputs, the Police neutralized a secret SIMI meeting, which was taking place with 35 cadres present at the meeting. However, the Police managed to arrest only four of them while the others managed to escape.
*

June 12: June 12: A militant of the outlawed SIMI, Abu Bashar, who was implicated by the Gujarat Police for the July 26, 2008 Ahmedabad serial bomb blasts, is reported to have confessed about the presence of training camps in the coastal areas.
*

February 27: Two suspected SIMI cadres, identified as Shibili and Hafeez Hussain, who were arrested for reportedly attending a secret training camp held by the outfit in 2007, were remanded to a 15-day judicial custody. About 40 cases were pending against the duo in various parts of the country, including in Gujarat, Indore in Madhya Pradesh, Karnataka and Malegaon in Maharashtra. Nearly 40 SIMI cadres had participated in the camp for about three days, the Police mentioned, adding that till date, ten cadres were arrested in this connection.
*

February 9: A SIMI cadre, identified as Amil Parvesh, a native of Ujjain in Madhya Pradesh, who was arrested by the Kerala Police from Indore in Madhya Pradesh in connection with his suspected role in the training camp of the outfit held in the Vagamon hills, was remanded by the Kanjirapally First Class Magistrate Court in Kottayam to 15 days Police custody.

2008

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December 27: A trial court in Jabalpur in Madhya Pradesh convicted nine cadres of the banned Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI) to two years imprisonment and imposed a fine of INR 500 on each for promoting communal hatred. Police had arrested them in July 2006 for their alleged links with the SIMI and booked them under various sections of the India Penal Code, mostly dealing with treason.
*

December 20: The Maharashtra Anti-Terrorist Squad (ATS) arrested a SIMI cadre, identified as Amir Talha from Azamgarh in Uttar Pradesh, from platform number three at Nagpur station. One .32mm pistol and five bullets were recovered from his possession. Talha is the son of Amir Rashidi Madni, who heads an ulema council in Azamgarh, and is also believed to have been arrested in connection with SIMI activities in the past. Talha, who was reportedly in close touch with the Indian Mujahideen (IM) that executed the serial blasts in New Delhi on September 13, was produced before a Nagpur court and has been remanded in Police custody till January 3, 2009.
*

November 10: Gujrat Police said that the Madhya Pradesh Police have arrested the main conspirators of the July 26 Ahmedabad serial blasts, identified as Qayamuddin Kapadia, from an unspecified place in Madhya Pradesh. Qayamuddin Kapadia allegedly planted cycle bombs in the Ahmedabad as well as bombs in different parts of Surat and was also responsible for purchase of cycles on which the bombs were planted and kept in different parts of the city, said Joint Commissioner of Police of Ahmedabad city crime branch, Ashish Bhatia. He was also an expert in using explosives, and reportedly present during various SIMI terror training camps in Waghamon in Kerala and Halol near Vadodara and was instrumental in training the participants.
*

October 23: An unidentified SIMI cadre was arrested from the Nagda District of Madhya Pradesh in connection with the July 26 serial blasts in Ahmedabad, Gujarat Police said on October 24, reports The Hindu.
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October 21: A special squad of the Thrissur District Police arrested two SIMI cadres from Kodungallur. The two cadres, identified as Nisar and Asghar, reportedly participated in a SIMI camp at Panayikulam on August 15, 2006.
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October 14: The special investigation team looking into the case relating to "clandestine meeting of activists of the Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI)" at Panayikulam in the Ernakulam District on August 15, 2006, has taken one more person, Nissar of Idukki, into custody. Nissar was among the 13 persons who were let off after the Police stopped the meeting and arrested five persons.
*

October 13: The Supreme Court ruled that the Union Government's plea against a tribunal's ruling lifting the ban on the Students Islamic Movement of India will be heard by a larger bench of the Court, even as the ban is to continue. The bench of Justice S.B. Sinha and Justice Cyriac Joseph referred the matter to Chief Justice K.G. Balakrishnan saying the Government's suit be listed before "an appropriate and larger bench". The bench also said the ban on SIMI would continue till further orders.
*

October 6: Kerala Police arrested two persons for their suspected links with the SIMI. Abdul Hakeem (22) from Azheekal in Guruvayur and Shameer (29) from Karukapadathu in Thrissur were arrested on information that the duo attended a clandestine meeting of SIMI activists at Panayikulam on August 15, 2006. The Police had taken 18 persons into custody. Five of them were arrested and the others released for lack of evidence. Shibili and Ansar, who were among those arrested from Panayikulam and later released on bail, were again arrested from Indore in Madhya Pradesh with firearms in their possession. They were produced before the Paravoor Judicial First Class Magistrate who remanded them to judicial custody till October 21.
*

September 27: The Anti-Terrorist Squad (ATS) in Nagpur arrested a SIMI cadre in the IODC colony of Washim. Mohammed Khaleel Mohammed Ismail Chauhan (32) was working for SIMI since year 2000 and was based in Khandwa (Madhya Pradesh). He had taken shelter at his younger brother Aqueel Mohammed Ismail Yusuf Chauhan''s (also a SIMI cadre) place in IODC colony. Police sources said that Aqueel was involved in spreading communal violence in small cities. Khaleel has four offences of rioting and forgery registered against him in Khandwa.
*

September 25: A SIMI cadre was arrested in connection with the serial blasts in Bangalore on July 25. Police said that Mohammad Samee Bagewadi alias Mohammad Samee attended most of the important camps organised by SIMI at Castle Rock near Hubli in Karnataka, Vagamon in Kerala and other places and also underwent training in these camps. Bagewadi, a resident of Bijapur, was allegedly influenced by SIMI''s ideology, and was closely associated with its leaders such as Safdar Hussain Nagori, Hafeez Hussain alias Adnan, Shibly, Tauqeer, Shahbaaz, Abu Bashar and others, Police sources said.
*

September 24: Mumbai Police arrested five suspected members of the Indian Mujahideen. While Afzal Mutalib Usmani (32) was arrested from Uttar Pradesh, Mohammed Saddik Shaikh (31), Mohammed Arif Shaikh (38), Mohammed Zakir Shaikh (28) and Mohammed Ansar Shaikh were arrested from their Mumbai residences on September 23-night. All the accused, originally from Azamgarh District in Uttar Pradesh, have worked with the banned SIMI, Joint Commissioner (Crime), Rakesh Maria, told journalists. "They broke away from SIMI to form the radical group of Indian Mujahideen. Saddik was one of the co-founders of the outfit along with Atiq, killed in the Delhi encounter, and Roshan Khan, who is yet to be traced. The Police are on the lookout for Khan", Maria added. The Police have booked the arrested terrorists under the Explosives Act, Arms Act, various sections of the Indian Penal Code and for criminal conspiracy. The recovered items from the arrested terrorists include 10 kilograms of gelatin or ammonium nitrate, 15 detonators, eight kilograms of ball bearings, four fully active electronic circuits, one sub-machine carbine, two .38 revolvers and 30 cartridges of 9 mm carbine and eight cartridges of .38 revolver.
*

September 13: 30 persons were killed and 100 more injured in a series of five bomb blasts in the busy market places of national capital New Delhi, reports. The first explosion took place at Karol Bagh at 6.10 pm. The next explosion took place at 6.35 pm near the Metro Station at Barakhamba Road. Five minutes later, another explosion took place at the Central Park in Cannaught Place. Two more explosions took place in the M-block market of the Greater Kailash area at 6.30 pm and 6.40 pm. Initial investigations revealed that the improvised explosive devices were configured using ammonium nitrate. Four live bombs were recovered and diffused. While one bomb was found outside the Regal Cinema in Cannaught Place, two more bombs were diffused in the Central Park at Cannaught Place and at India Gate. In an e-mail to the media, the Indian Mujahideen claimed responsibility for the explosions.
*

September 11: The Supreme Court further extended its interim order continuing the ban on SIMI till the 2nd week of October, 2008. This is the second time the apex court has extended the ban. The Union Government had filed a petition challenging the decision of a Special Tribunal to lift curbs imposed on the organisation. The Court has asked the Centre to place before it the synopsis of arguments and other documents in support of its stand to ban SIMI. The ruling came after the Government petitioned for more time for probe.
*

September 7: Two youths, identified as Mohammad Sohail and Azam, detained in Jodhpur were arrested by the SIT on charges of involvement in the May 13, 2008 Jaipur serial blasts case. During investigation, it was found that both had links with the banned SIMI and the main accused of the Jaipur serial blasts, including Sajid, Karimudeen and Taukir. They had allegedly arranged hotel rooms for the meetings of Sajid and his accomplices. The SIT sources claimed, "Sajid and his associates like Taukir, Karimudeen and others had visited Jodhpur many times and generated funds from there. It was found that Sohail and Azam had also gathered Zakat (charity) for them". With these two arrests, the total number of people arrested in connection with the Jaipur serial blasts went up to 14.
*

September 4: Four suspected cadres of the SIMI were arrested in connection with the July 26 Ahmedabad bomb blasts from Ahmedabad and Bhuj towns. An Ahmedabad police spokesman said that while Naved Kadri, Aiyyaz Sayed and Zaved Ahmed were arrested from Ahmedabad, Abbas Asmeja was arrested from Bhuj. The arrests took place following confessions made by the 10 main accused SIMI cadres. Aiyyaz was among those who had actually placed some of the bombs. Naved Kadri was present at the final planning meeting held in Juhapura. Zaved Ahmed had procured a gas cylinder from Kalupur area, which was used in the car bomb placed at the trauma centre in the civil hospital. Asmeja had secured a house, under a false name on behalf of the SIMI, under rehabilitation projects for the people hit by the 2001 Kutch earthquake. The house was sold recently to part-finance the blasts.
*

September 1: The Hyderabad Police arrested a person identified as Jaber from the Hyderabad city for suspected links with the SIMI. Hyderabad City Commissioner of Police B. Prasada Rao said, "Jaber has been arrested for his alleged links with the banned SIMI and sharing material with SIMI head Safdar Nagori." Jaber, son of Moulana Naseeruddin, is a Hyderabad resident. Naseeruddin is an accused in the assassination of former Gujarat Home Minister Haren Pandya and is now in Sabarmati jail in Gujarat.
*

August 26: Gujarat Police arrested Tanveer Pathan alias Sameer, a suspected SIMI member, from the Mira road area in Mumbai for his alleged involvement in the planting of bombs in Surat. Police sources said Pathan's name was revealed during the interrogation of Sajid Mansuri, an accused arrested in connection with the Ahmedabad serial blasts case. An unidentified police officer told, "Pathan was in touch with several SIMI activists in Pune and we passed on this information to the Gujarat Police. After Pathan's name emerged in the investigation, a team from the Gujarat Police arrived in Mumbai. With the help of the ATS, the Gujarat team caught Pathan."
*

August 25: The Supreme Court extended its stay of a tribunal order quashing the Union Government’s February 7, 2008 notification, which banned the SIMI by six weeks. A bench, consisting of Chief Justice K.G. Balakrishnan and Justice P. Sathasivam, said, "The matter is important. We are ready to hear it. What we are concerned [with] are the documents and records relevant on the date of the ban notification."
*

August 23: The 'Indian Mujahideen', which had claimed responsibility for the recent serial explosions in Gujarat, sent a mail to TV channels with photographs of cars claimed to have been used in the attacks on two hospitals in Ahmedabad. Claiming that not a single Indian Mujahideen cadre involved in the blasts have been arrested so far the outfit threatened to widen the arc of its attacks. "The Indian Mujahideen on its full authority declares that by the Grace of Allah not even a single mujahid from our ranks who played even a minute role in the blasts, have been arrested to date. We are completely safe", the mail said.
*

August 21: The Anti-terrorism Squad (ATS) of the Mumbai Police arrested Feroz Mehboob Pathan (32), a suspected to SIMI member and part of the recently neutralised sleeper module of the outfit, from the Ghorpade Peth area of Pune. Two others were detained but not arrested.
*

August 20: The Union Government filed a fresh affidavit in the Supreme Court, citing the involvement of SIMI cadres in the July 26 serial bomb blasts in Ahmedabad in Gujarat. In its affidavit, the Government said investigations revealed that the accused in the bomb blasts in Ahmedabad and Surat on July 26 were members of the SIMI. Annexing the depositions made by witnesses, the Government further said intelligence sources and secret surveillance by the police made it clear that the accused had nexus with international terrorist outfits. Further, these persons were persistently involved in more than one offence or other unlawful activities and the nature of activities indulged in by the outfit would show secessionist tendencies and the potential damage to the secular fabric of society.

Replying to the debate in the Uttar Pradesh State Legislative Assembly on terrorist activities and the role of the SIMI in the recent serial bomb blasts, the State Parliamentary Affairs Minister, Lalji Verma, said that since 2003 no activity of SIMI has been witnessed in Uttar Pradesh. He further said between 1998 and 2003, 65 cases had been registered against SIMI activists in the State. Rejecting the charge of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) that the UP police and its security and intelligence agencies were inefficient in containing the menace, Minister Verma said the security and intelligence units in 34 sensitive districts and on the State’s border have been upgraded.

Following leads given by arrested SIMI cadre Usman Agarbattiwala, the Ahmedabad Crime Branch recovered two pistols, a pipe bomb, balloons and 19 CDs and DVDs containing speeches of Osama bin Laden and other Al Qaeda leaders, laptops and hard drives from different places in the city. Usman Agarbattiwala was one of the ten SIMI members arrested for their alleged involvement in the Ahmedabad blasts.
*

August 19: A team of the Gujarat Anti Terrorism Squad arrested dentist Mohammed Salim Honali (31) from Bijapur in Karnataka. Honali used to work with the MA Rangoonwala College of Dental Sciences and Research Centre at the Azam Campus in Pune till May 2008 before he was laid off. ATS officials suspect that Honali not only had a significant role in the July 26, 2008 Ahmedabad blasts but was also brainwashing other youth to bring them into the radical fold. ATS officials said jihadi literature was recovered from all four suspects.
*

August 17: Three persons were arrested in Bharuch in Gujarat for renting a house to the SIMI activist Sajid Mansuri, who allegedly played a key role in the July 26 Ahmedabad serial blasts. Mansuri had taken the house on rent from Saeed Hayat at Lukman society in Bharuch. Hayat had the power of attorney over the house that belonged to a London-based non-resident Indian. Two persons, Yusuf Patel and Maqbul Patel, had recommended the name of Sajid Mansuri to Saeed Hayat.

Police in Indore in Madhya Pradesh arrested a suspected SIMI activist in connection with the serial blasts in Ahmedabad on July 26. The arrest followed a tip off provided by the Gujarat Police. Nine persons arrested by the Gujarat Police on August 16 for their alleged involvement in the blasts had disclosed that the explosives used in the blasts were sent from Madhya Pradesh.

Police sources in Gujarat claimed that SIMI leader Abul Bashar Qasmi who was arrested from Uttar Pradesh on August 16 for his involvement in the serial blasts in Ahmedabad has "confessed" to his and his team’s involvement in the terror attack. According to Abhay Chudasma, Joint Commissioner, Ahmedabad Crime Branch police, Qasmi also confirmed the role of Sajid Mansuri, another arrested senior SIMI member in the blasts. "We are questioning him on the details of other locals involved in the terror attack", Chudasma said. Police also suspected Qasmi and Sajid’s involvement in the Jaipur blasts. "We are still questioning Qasmi on the Jaipur link", Chudasma added. The police said Qasmi had taken over charge of the SIMI national network after the arrest of its leader Safdar Nagori and his brother Karimuddin Nagori in Indore in Madhya Pradesh in March. Safdar and Karimuddin had originally planned the execution of the Ahmedabad blasts and to carry out bombings in Surat too.
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August 16: The Gujarat Police announced the arrest of SIMI leader Abul Bashar Qasmi, who allegedly was the mastermind behind the July 26 Ahmedabad serial bomb blasts. Gujarat Director-General of Police P.C. Pandey said Qasmi was arrested from a village in Azamgarh in Uttar Pradesh (UP) by a joint team of the UP and Gujarat Police. The Gujarat police also said with this arrest they had unravelled the conspiracy that led to the bombings. Before Qasmi’s arrest, nine SIMI cadres were arrested from Ahmedabad and Vadodara. "We now have the entire details of how and where the plans for the Ahmedabad blasts were chalked out, who were the people involved and how the entire plan was operationalised," the DGP said. He also claimed that the same group was involved in planting bombs in Surat.
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August 14: A SIMI activist was arrested in Bharuch in Gujarat in connection with the serial blasts in Ahmedabad on July 26. The arrested SIMI cadre Mohammad Sajid Mansori is suspected to have been part of the conspiracy to carry out the nine blasts across the Gujarat capital.
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August 8: The All India Minority Front said it had evidence that the SIMI had links with terror outfits in Pakistan. The Front national president S.M. Asif told reporters, "We have evidence of SIMI's links with Pakistani terror outfits and are ready to provide it to the central government provided we are assured security." "We have spoken to various Muslim people who have proof in this regard but they fear for their lives", he added. He further said, "We want SIMI should be banned and punished. The minorities in the country are opposed to all sorts of militancy. Even then Muslims suffer whenever there is any terror attack in the country."
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August 6: The Supreme Court stayed the order by the Special Tribunal quashing the Union Government's February 7, 2008 notification declaring the SIMI an unlawful organisation. A Bench of the Supreme Court stayed the order on a mention made by Additional Solicitor-General Gopal Subramaniam about the Union Government filing a special leave petition against the lifting of the ban. The Bench, consisting of Chief Justice K.G. Balakrishnan and Justice A.K. Mathur, ordered notice to the SIMI seeking its response in three weeks.

The MHA asked the Uttar Pradesh Government to send details of the criminal cases pending against the SIMI and its activists. Police headquarters in State capital Lucknow said that it has received a letter in this regard. The Office of the Director General of Police (DGP) has, consequently, started compiling the details of the recent cases against the SIMI.
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August 5: The Anti-Terrorist Cell (ATC) attached to the Belgaum district Police Department in Karnataka arrested three suspected SIMI cadres. They were identified as Naveed Khaji and Ansar Nizami, both from Malmaruti area, and Sadiq Mulla of Azad Nagar. The arrest took place on the basis of information given by suspected SIMI cadres Tanveer Mulla and Iqbal Jakati, who were arrested recently. With the arrest of these three, the number of arrested suspected SIMI activists in the district rose to 11.

A specially-designated tribunal lifted the ban imposed by the Union Government on the activities of the SIMI. Justice Geeta Mittal of the Delhi High Court, who headed the tribunal, held that there was no new evidence submitted by the Government against the SIMI to justify the extension of the ban. A senior law officer said that the Government only came out with the evidence of the Malegaon blasts in Maharashtra in 2006 to show the complicity of the organisation in unlawful activities which was not sufficient to come out with the notification to ban it.
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August 2: Immigration officials at the Mumbai International Airport detained a passenger in connection with a blast in the Judicial Magistrate First Class court in Hubli in Karnataka in May 2008. The passenger Iqbal Shaukat Ali is alleged to be a SIMI activist. A resident of Belgaum in Karnataka, Ali had fled to Sharjah soon after his name emerged as one of the major suspects in the blast. Subsequently, he was remanded to four days of police custody.
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July 27: The Ahmedabad Joint Police Commissioner Asish Bhatia said an activist of the banned SIMI, Abdul Halim, who was wanted in connection with the 2002 Gujarat riots, was arrested during the combing operation in the city following the July 26 serial explosions in Ahmedabad (Gujarat).

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July 15: Police arrested Mohammed Muqeemuddin Yaser, a former SIMI member, from his residence in the Saidabad area of Hyderabad, capital of Andhra Pradesh. Yaser, who is a MBA student, is also the eldest son of Maulana Naseeruddin, the founder president of Tehreek-e-Tahaffuz-e-Shaan-e-Islam (TTSI) and is presently lodged at the Sabarmati jail in Ahmedabad for his alleged role in the assassination of the former Gujarat home minister Haren Pandya. Yaser’s younger brother Raziuddin Naser, a suspect in the twin blast cases in Hyderabad in August 2007, was arrested by the Karnataka Police in January 2008 for planning terrorist attacks in Karnataka and Goa. SIT sources said "Yaser was an active member of SIMI. Now, he along with some other former SIMI activists of the city has formed a group which downloads jihadi material and religious killing videos from the internet and distributes disks to extremist religious groups in the country."
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June 8: Supporting continuation of the ban on the SIMI, the Karnataka Government in its affidavit submitted to the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Tribunal contended that some of the SIMI members had been in contact with militant outfits. The Tribunal, set up by the Union Government to review the ban on SIMI concluded its two-day sitting on June 8 in Bangalore.
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June 1: The Kerala Government represented its case in favour of continuing the proscription on the SIMI. The Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Tribunal appointed by the Union Government to review the ban on SIMI began a two-day sitting in capital Trivandrum. Representing the State Government, Inspector General of Police (Internal Security), N. C. Asthana, filed an affidavit before the tribunal stating that the SIMI was still carrying out unlawful activities in Kerala and hence the ban imposed on it shall be continued.
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May 27: Police arrested a SIMI cadre, identified as Nasir Liyaqat Ali Patel, from Belgaum for allegedly spreading messages of hatred. Police also recovered the hard disc from his computer.
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May 17: The special investigative team conducted raids across the State targeting activists of the SIMI. A SIMI cadre, Mohammad Shajid, was detained for questioning. Raids were conducted at Jaipur, Ajmer, Fatehpur, Godhpur, Tonk and Sikar on the basis of Intelligence inputs. A senior police officer said, "Raids were conducted, but it seems most of the activists have gone underground fearing arrests."
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May 8: Three suspected SIMI activists were arrested from the New Housing Board colony area of Morena in Madhya Pradesh. Fake currency worth INR 80,000 and four mobile phones were recovered from them. Police sources said that one of the arrested Naajmia belongs to Kayamganj in Uttar Pradesh, while the other two, Pappu alias Sudhir Jadaun and Rajbir Gurjar, were from Morena.

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April 23: The Union Minister of State for Home, Sriprakash Jaiswal, in a written reply to a question in the Rajya Sabha (upper house of Parliament) said that despite the ban, the SIMI has been carrying out its activities clandestinely including holding of organizational meetings and circulation of literature. The Minister said that more than 70 male SIMI cadres have been arrested during the last one year as per reports from Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Delhi and Karnataka. No foreign national is among those arrested, he said. The Minister added that activities of the SIMI have been noticed in Madhya Pradesh, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Gujarat, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh.
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April 22: The Union Minister of State for Home Affairs, Sriprakash Jaiswal, replying to questions in the Lok Sabha (lower house of Parliament) said that the banned Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI) has links with terrorist groups, including the Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT). He said that the links have been revealed in investigations into a number of cases. The minister further said that 181 SIMI cadres have been arrested in various States since 2006 and arms, ammunition, incriminating literature and other items were recovered from them. Of them, 128 were arrested in Madhya Pradesh.
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April 10: The Mumbai Police arrested two SIMI cadres from the Thane district. The duo, identified as Irshad Salim Khan and Israr Ahmed Abdul Hamid Tailor, are believed to be close to the arrested secretary-general of the outfit, Safdar Nagori. Khan is a civil engineer by profession and was the former president of the outfit while Israr Ahmed is a computer professional. Joint Commissioner of Police (Crime) Rakesh Maria said, "Both are wanted in a case registered under Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act here on July 28, 2006, in which train blasts accused Ehtesham Siddqui was earlier arrested."

The Madhya Pradesh Police arrested a SIMI cadre from the Rishala area of Indore city. The arrested cadre, identified as Hafiz Yusuf, has been an active worker of the outfit and played a significant role in collecting funds for the outfit, police sources said. He was working in a mobile shop in Indore.
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April 7: Six SIMI cadres were arrested by the Madhya Pradesh police. While five SIMI cadres were arrested from Guna, a suspected SIMI cadre, identified as Naved Irfan was arrested in Indore’s Muslim- dominated Khajrana area for allegedly indulging in illegal activities and aiding anti-national elements, a senior police officer said.

The Jabalpur Police in Madhya Pradesh announced a reward of INR 5,000 to those who help trace two absconding SIMI activists Mohammad Ali and Mohammad Shakil.
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April 5: Three SIMI activists were arrested from Narsinghgarh town in the Rajgarh district. The Rajgarh Superintendent of Police D. K. Arya said that the SIMI cadres, identified as Irfan, Faizal and Shakir, were arrested on charges of aiding anti-national elements and indulging in illegal activities. An unspecified quantity of objectionable material, video cassettes and CDs were recovered from the house where the arrests occurred.
*

April 4: Three persons, including a woman, were arrested for allegedly renting their premises to SIMI leaders in Indore and Khargone. A house in the Shyam Nagar locality of Indore was rented to SIMI's Andhra Pradesh unit chief Qamaruddin Nagori from where police arrested top 13 leaders of the outfit on March 27. The house rented to the SIMI by Gaffar Khan Bakerywale was registered in the name of his daughter-in-law Shahnaz Bi. Police arrested both Khan and Shahnaz for not providing information to the police about giving their house on rent.

Separately, in Khargone, another person, identified as Shahzad Hussein, was arrested for allegedly providing his farmhouse to the SIMI for running training camps.
*

April 2: Madhya Pradesh Police neutralised a SIMI training camp in Choral, a popular holiday spot, 35-kilometres from the State capital Bhopal. Police claimed that interrogation of the 13 arrested SIMI cadres led to the information on the existence of the camp. The Superintendent of Police Chanchal Shekhar told, "We were told the camp trained SIMI activists from Jharkhand, Kerala, Karnataka and a few other states. Each training camp would train around 20 SIMI members. We have information of five such camps in the past one-and-half years, which would mean about a hundred SIMI activists trained in Choral." He said that the trainees were made to climb the surrounding mountains and swim across the river daily. The police also found evidence of a firing range and exploded bits of petrol bombs.

Separately, Police recovered 122 super-explosive gelatine sticks, 100 detonators and switchboards buried underground in the Gawali village under Balwara police station area of Khargaon district.
*

April 1: The Assam Government told the Legislative Assembly that SIMI was active in Assam, but clarified that no member of the group had been arrested so far in the State. "While the Government had banned SIMI in 2001, there is information that the group is still active in Assam," Minister Rockybul Hussain told the Assembly.
*

March 31: A team of Madhya Pradesh Police arrested seven SIMI cadres from an unspecified location. The investigators interrogating the 13 SIMI leaders arrested in Indore on March 27 claimed that the banned outfit were planning to kill top leaders of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), including the Leader of Opposition L. K. Advani, and Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi. The investigators further claimed that the SIMI was even running training camps for militants to carry out terrorist attacks in the country.
*

March 27: 13 SIMI leaders, including the outfit’s General Secretary Safdar Nagori and his brother Kamruddin Nagori, were arrested following several raids in Indore by the Madhya Pradesh Police. Police described the arrested persons as active members of the outfit hailing from Kerala, Karnataka, Uttar Pradesh, Haryana, Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh. The arrested persons included SIMI’s Karnataka unit chief Hafiz Hussain and Shivli, who is the mainstay of the group’s operations in Kerala. Pistols, cartridges, nine mobile phones, INR 45,000 in cash, 15 masks, 22 pairs of surgical gloves and surgical instruments, SIMI literature were recovered from the arrested persons.

Police raided the house of SIMI leader Shiblyin a village in Kottayam district. Two computers were recovered from the houses of Shibli and his brother, Shaduli.
*

March 18: The Union Minister of State for Home, Sriprakash Jaiswal, said in a written reply in the Lok Sabha (lower house of parliament) that the SIMI and its associates were planning to commit serial blasts and other serious offences in the country. "While there was no present input indicating any specific plans of SIMI to attack important installation, ...One arrested person disclosed that he along with his SIMI associates were planning to commit serial blasts and other serious offences," Jaiswal said.
*

March 11: A former Bihar unit chief of the SIMI, Arif Abrar, who had surrendered before a lower court in Nagpur in January 2008, was reportedly granted bail by the 10th Ad hoc Sessions Judge. Abrar who was lodged in the Nagpur central jail after police interrogation is expected to be released shortly. Defence lawyer A.M. Rizway stated that court found no incriminating evidence against him.
*

February 21: The Corps of Detectives arrested a software engineer for suspected links with the banned SIMI from Guruappanapalya under Mico Layout police station limits in Bangalore, capital of Karnataka. However, four of his alleged accomplices escaped during the police operation. Yahya Khan is a native of Kerala and was working in a leading multinational information technology company in the city and he was reportedly under watch by the Bangalore Police for the past few days. Police sources said that the arrest followed information given by Mohammad Asif, a final-year MBBS student, and another SIMI activist, who was arrested in Hubli recently.
*

February 12: The Corps of Detectives, which is investigating a terrorist module unearthed by the Davangere police in Karnataka, arrested an electrician from Dharwad for his alleged links with the banned SIMI. The arrested identified as Shakeel, a resident of Koppadakeri in the Dharwad district, had helped the SIMI activists to hold two meetings, one near the Mastansab Darga on Saudatti Road and the other at the Halligere forests on Haliyal Road in Hubli in November 2007. Shakeel reportedly participated in these meetings where some 25 SIMI activists from Karnataka, Uttar Pradesh and Kerala allegedly discussed plans to carry out acts of sabotage. These activists had held another meeting near Dandeli in May 2007.
*

February 12: Firoz Sanadi, the former deputy mayor of Belgaum city in Karnataka, and nine medical students were detained for alleged links with the SIMI and suspected militant Mohammed Asif who is in police custody.

Former Bihar unit chief of the SIMI, Dr Abrar Arif, who had surrendered before the Nagpur court recently, was sent to jail after he was produced before the lower court 2 by Sadar police.
*

February 10: The Islamic Students Association (ISA) is functioning transparently and it has no links with the banned SIMI, said ISA ad-hoc committee secretary E K Noufal in Kozhikode in Kerala.
*

February 7: The Union Government decided to continue the ban on the Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI) for another two years. "The decision to re-impose the ban for two years has been taken in view of the fact that the group continues to indulge in unlawful activities," said the home ministry spokesperson Onkar Kedia.
*

February 6: Police arrested four activists of the Islamic Students Association (ISA), while trying to stick wall posters in the early hours at Edavamgal near Bekal in the Kasargod district of Kerala. The four activists of the newly-floated ISA, which seemed to be a front organisation of the banned SIMI, said the police.
*

January 31: Mohammad Abrar Arif Mohammad Kasim, a key SIMI leader, surrendered before a court in Nagpur after remaining at large for 18 months.
*

January 22: A report in The Hindu stated that the SIMI is believed to be operating under the cover of at least 12 organisations in Kerala. SIMI organisers periodically change the name of their front organisations to shake off police surveillance. Intelligence officials believe that SIMI activists in Kerala had developed links with the Lashkar-e-Toiba in 2006. They said that SIMI activists are operating under the cover of religious study centres, rural development and research centres and institutions for developing "personal effectiveness." Some of these organisations were spreading "extremist religious ideals" among a section of impressionable youth by acting as "counselling and guidance centres working for behavioural change". In the past 10 years, the police have registered 17 cases against suspected SIMI activists.

2007

*

October 23: Daily News & Analysis reported that the role of a splinter group of the SIMI is being examined by the internal security agencies for its alleged linkages with some rural non-government organisations (NGOs) in Maharashtra. An unidentified intelligence official said cadres belonging to the SIMI splinter, Tehereek Taifooz Sher-e-Islam, could have established linkages with a section of Muslim functionaries in these NGOs. Central intelligence agencies and the State Intelligence Department reportedly have been investigating the way these NGOs are managed.
*

September 6: The Supreme Court asked the SIMI to serve a fresh notice to the government on its plea for transferring the petition relating to the ban imposed on the organisation from the Delhi High Court to the apex court. SIMI had sought transfer of the petition filed by it in the High Court challenging the ban imposed in September 2003 for its alleged anti-national activities. Two other petitions filed by SIMI challenging the ban in September 2001 and February 2006 are pending in the apex court and hence it has sought transfer of the 2003 petition so that all the three petitions could be decided by the apex court.
*

July 5: Four persons, including two Hizb-ul-Mujahideen (HM) militants, were convicted by a court in New Delhi for possessing explosives and conspiring to wage war against the country. The other two persons, held guilty under various provisions of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) and Explosive Substances Act, are members of the outlawed Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI). Gulzar Ahmed Wani and Mohiuddin, the HM militants from Baramulla in Jammu and Kashmir, and Feroz Rafi and Mumtaz, the SIMI activists from Uttar Pradesh, were arrested at New Delhi Railway Station on July 30, 2001. Police had then seized a huge haul of RDX, grenades, launchers, detonators and other explosives from them. The Hizb militants had reportedly come to Delhi to deliver the explosives to the SIMI activists. With their arrest, police had claimed to have solved six bomb blast cases, including the 2001 Sena Bhavan blast. However, the court on February 23 acquitted them in all these cases for lack of evidence.

Times Now reported that the SIMI has stepped up efforts to strengthen its base in the northeastern region along the India-Myanmar border. SIMI has been trying to tie up with Manipur-based outfits and especially the Peoples' United Liberation Front (PULF), an organization of indigenous Muslims of Manipur called Pangals. The report further indicated that SIMI's presence in the north-eastern region could pose a grave threat since several jihadi outfits with similar ideologies are already active on both sides of the border.
*

March 9: Police in Patna (Bihar) arrested Mohd Haseeb Raza, an activist of the SIMI, from his Phulwari residence. Police sources said that Raza was the state secretary of the outfit and was wanted in a case lodged in 2001 as a prime accused for planning subversive activities in the country.
*

February 15: The Supreme Court described the proscribed Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI) as a "secessionist movement". A bench of Justice S. B. Sinha and Markandeya Katju observed while dealing with the Special Leave Petition filed by the SIMI challenging the ban imposed on it, "You are a secessionist movement. You have not stopped your activities." The Bench refused to agree with the submissions put forth by Kamini Jaiswal, counsel for the SIMI, that there was no evidence to link SIMI to any anti-national activity after 2003. In the petition, the SIMI had challenged the judgment of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act Tribunal headed by Justice B. N. Chaturvedi of the Delhi High Court, which confirmed the ban imposed on the organisation by the Union Government on February 8, 2006.
*

January 22: Police have beefed up security in the Cuttack city amidst intelligence reports indicating that the Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM), Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT) and Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI) cadres are planning to orchestrate a terrorist attack during the India-West Indies one-day Cricket Match at the Barabati Stadium on January 24.

2006

*

December 21: The Anti-Terrorist Squad (ATS) of the Maharashtra Police filed the charge sheet in the September 8 Malegaon serial blasts case. The charge sheet stated that nine SIMI cadres had hatched and executed the conspiracy with the help of two Pakistani nationals in the textile town to "infuriate the entire Muslim community and trigger communal riots’’. 40 persons died and 312 were injured in four blasts.
*

December 4: The Uttar Pradesh Government said that it had not received any direction from the Union Government to proscribe the SIMI. In a written reply to a question in the State Legislative Assembly, Chief Minister Mulayam Singh Yadav said that no instructions had been received from the Centre to ban SIMI. The State Government had recently successfully moved an application in a district court in Baharaich seeking withdrawal of cases against SIMI chief Shahid Badar Falah.
*

November 7: According to IANS, the SIMI is contemplating changing its name to evade attention it receives for its association with the terrorists. Quoting unidentified sources, the report said that SIMI may emerge under a new name such as Teharik-e-Millat or Awaz-e-Sura, with a view to expand its activities in Madhya Pradesh.
*

November 5: Six SIMI cadres are arrested in Indore. Police said that the six had met a detained senior SIMI operative, Imran Ansari, at a local restaurant while he was being escorted for a court hearing on November 1.
*

October 30: Maharashtra Police arrests Noorul Hooda Shamshul Hooda, a SIMI activist, in connection with the Malegaon serial bomb blasts of September 8, 2006.
*

October 8: A suspected SIMI cadre, Nurullah Samsudoha, is arrested from the Jaffar Nagar area of Malegaon town in Maharashtra.
*

September 6: The Bahraich District court in Uttar Pradesh grants permission to withdraw a treason case against the banned SIMI chief Shahid Badar Falah and 11 other members of the outfit.
*

August 23: Two suspects in the October 2005 Delhi serial bomb blasts are remanded to the custody of Mumbai Police till August 28 by a local court in Mumbai. Firoz Abdul Latif Ghaswala and Mohammed Ali Chippa, who were lodged in a jail in Delhi, were brought to Mumbai on August 23 and produced before a local court. Both, suspected to be linked to the SIMI, have allegedly visited Pakistan clandestinely to undergo training in arms and explosives handling at the Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT) camps.

Speaking in the State Legislative Assembly, the Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mulayam Singh Yadav ruled out the involvement of the Students Islamic Movement of India in recent terrorist attacks in the State.
*

August 22: Faizal Ataur Rehman Sheikh, allegedly Lashkar-e-Toiba’s Mumbai chief, and younger brother Muzamil, a software programmer, were booked in the Bandra blast case and remanded to police custody till September 4. In its remand plea, the Anti-Terrorist Squad said the brothers were active members of the proscribed SIMI and had been to Pakistan for military training.
*

August 18: SIMI activists, Waqar Baig Yusuf Baig and Jitaullah Rehman Mehmood Khan, are arrested from Kazipur in the textile township of Hinganghat in Wardha district of Maharashtra.
*

August 16: Five suspected SIMI activists, identified as Saduli, Abdul Aziz, Shammi, all from Kottayam district, and Anzar and Nizammudin, both from Aluva, arrested in Kerala.
*

August 15: Kerala Police arrested 18 suspected SIMI activists from Binamipuram in the Kochi district.
*

August 13: Two SIMI activists, Irfan Sayeed and Najib Bakali, are arrested by Mumbai Police personnel investigating the July 11 blasts.
*

August 8: Three SIMI cadres, Shakil Warsi, Shakir Ahmed Nasi and Mohammad Rehan Khan, are arrested in connection with the July 11 Mumbai serial blasts from Nagpur in Maharashtra.
*

August 7: The tribunal, constituted to examine the ban imposed on SIMI by the Union Government, holds it "legal and valid”.
*

July 29: SIMI activist, Ehtashan Siddiqui, is arrested from his Mira Road residence on the outskirts of Mumbai for alleged links to the 7/11 blasts.
*

July 21: Bhopal Police arrests a SIMI activist, Imran, wanted in two cases, one registered at Surat in the State of Gujarat and the other at Khandwa in Madhya Pradesh. He is said to be an organising SIMI activities at the national level.
*

July 13: Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mulayam Singh Yadav says in Lucknow that the SIMI is not active in the State and there is no evidence of its involvement in any unlawful activity during his regime. He further said that as far as its existence in Uttar Pradesh is concerned, it will be improper to initiate action without evidence.
*

July 6: The Supreme Court upheld the ban on the SIMI rejecting a petition that claimed that the organisation had not been found to engage in any terrorist activities.
*

June 2: According to the Government of Kerala, the SIMI is operating under the cover of at least 12 organisations in the State. At least two organizations linked to the SIMI are operating in the capital city of Thiruvananthapuram.
*

April 25: Mohammad Aamir, the chief of SIMI's Uttar Pradesh State unit and the prime accused in the Kanpur riots of March 16, 2006, surrenders before a metropolitan magistrate in Kanpur.
*

April 21: The Union Government declares the SIMI an unlawful association under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967. It also constitutes a Tribunal, comprising Justice B.N. Chaturvedi of the Delhi High Court, for adjudicating whether or not there is sufficient cause for declaring SIMI as an unlawful association.

2005

*

July 11: Police in Uttar Pradesh arrest six persons, including four of a family, from Faizabad in connection with the July 5-attack on the disputed complex in Ayodhya. The arrested family members were associated with the banned Students Islamic Movement of India, according to official sources.
*

June 11: All eight accused in the Ghatkopar blast case, allegedly cadres of the SIMI, are acquitted by a POTA court in Mumbai due to lack of evidence.
*

March 8: Delhi Police arrests a SIMI member, Mohammad Iftikar Ehsan Malick, from Dehradun, the capital city of Uttaranchal.

2004

*

November 1: Maulana Nasiruddin, president of the Tahaffuz Shari'at-e Islam (Protection of Islamic Sharia) and allegedly linked to the SIMI, is arrested from Hyderabad in connection with his suspected links to the murder former Gujarat Home Minister Haren Pandya.

2003

*

November 11: A court in New Delhi acquits SIMI president Shahid Badar Falah in a case of sedition, which was filed against him in September 2001.
*

September 12: Five persons, including two SIMI activists, are arrested for the removal of railway sleeper clips from the tracks in Kumardubi-Barakar section in West Bengal.
*

July 21: POTA court in New Delhi sentences two SIMI activists to a five-year imprisonment under POTA for their membership of the proscribed organization and seven years imprisonment for sedition.
* July 16: A POTA Court in Delhi convicts two SIMI activists for their active involvement with the banned outfit.

* May 26: Mumbai Police arrest two suspected activists of the SIMI in the Ghatkopar bomb blast case and remand them to police custody till June 5.

* May 14: Mumbai Police arrest three persons from Padgah village and foil a plan that envisaged a series of explosions in Mumbai and Kerala, which was allegedly hatched by the SIMI and Lashkar-e-Toiba. The accused were identified as Muzzamal Ansari, Mohammed Nadir Palob and Arif Hussain.

* May 11: Mumbai Police detains SIMI activist Anwar Ali, a lecturer of the National Defence Academy in Khadakvasla, Maharashtra, for his suspected involvement in the March 13-Mulund train bomb explosion case.

* May 3: Mumbai Police arrests six SIMI activists with links to the LeT and also seizes lethal chemicals and some arms and ammunition from their possession.

* April 25: Mumbai Police arrests two suspected SIMI activists for their alleged involvement in the March 13-Mulund-bomb blast case from the Padgha village of Thane district.

* April 21: Mumbai Police arrests Ghulam Akbar Khotal, an alleged SIMI activist from Ratnagiri in Maharashtra, in connection with March 13 Mulund blast.

* April 10: Saquib Nachan, a SIMI activist, surrenders before the Mumbai High Court. He is subsequently arrested by the Mumbai Police and booked under POTA for his alleged involvement in the Mulund blast. Saquib was arrested from Gujarat in October 1992 under the Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act (TADA) for his subversive activities and sentenced to life imprisonment, which was later commuted to 10 years by the Supreme Court. He was released from the Sabarmati jail in April 2001.

* March 12: Noman Badar alias Falahi, one of the top leaders of SIMI, is brought on transit remand to Delhi from Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh. A case against him is pending in a Court in Delhi for his involvement in unlawful activities, including publishing objectionable using inflammatory language.

* February 24: Police arrest two persons allegedly connected with the SIMI at Rabodi in Thane District of Maharashtra and seize incriminating documents from their possession.

* January 29: Mumbai Police suspects the LeT and SIMI for the twin blasts near Vile Parle railway station in Mumbai on January 27 and January 28. United Arab Emirates (UAE) based LeT terrorist Abu Hamza is suspected to be the masterminded behind the first explosion, in which a women was killed and 25 more injured.

* January 27: Uttar Pradesh Police arrests three SIMI activists from Lucknow and recover certain incriminating documents from them.

* January 26: Dubai authorities deport Mohammed Altaf, an activist of the SIMI and main accused in the December 2, 2002, bomb blast at Ghatkopar.

* January 9: Madhya Pradesh Police arrests Bhopal district unit former president of the SIMI Khalid Naeem. He was later released on bail.

* January 3: Mumbai Police invokes POTA against four SIMI activists–– Abdul Mattin, Sayed Khwaja, Muzzamil Ahmed and Zahir Shaikh––for allegedly setting off a blast inside a bus in Ghatkopar on December 2, 2002, in which three persons were killed.

2002

* December 21: A Delhi court discharges SIMI leader Mohammed Javed Iqbal in a sedition and unlawful activities case and also drops sedition charges against its president Shahid Badar and three others. While discharging Iqbal, the court granted bail to Badar and four others in the case. The court also dropped sedition charge against Badar in another case and granted him bail on a personal bond of Rs 5,000 and one surety.

* October 7: Supreme Court issues notices to Union Government and eight States on a petition filed by the SIMI challenging the Union Home Ministry's order declaring the organization as unlawful and the subsequent order of a Tribunal upholding the same. States to which notices were issued are: Kerala, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, West Bengal, Gujarat, Rajasthan and Andhra Pradesh.

* May 27: Two SIMI activists are arrested in Delhi.

* May 5: Uttar Pradesh unit SIMI chief Noman Badar is arrested in Lucknow.

* March 18: SIMI activist Hasib Raja is arrested in Kolkata, West Bengal, and half a kilogram of RDX is seized from him. He was allegedly planning to blow up the Howrah Bridge.

* January 28: Police arrest eight SIMI activists from Vadodara in Gujarat.

2001

* December 28: Police in Surat, Gujarat, arrest 123 persons for their alleged links with SIMI and also recover certain incriminating documents from their possession.

* October 24: Maharashtra Police files charge sheet in a Jalgaon Court against 11 SIMI activists arrested for suspected terrorist activities.

* October 8: Police arrest the Tamil Nadu State vice-president of SIMI, Abdul Qudoos, from Madurai.

* October 5: Maharashtra Police arrest three SIMI activists from Ahmednagar.

* October 1: Police arrest nine SIMI activists in Madhya Pradesh and one in Delhi.

* September 29: After the ban on SIMI, the Police arrest another 122 of its cadres across the country.

* September 28: Delhi Police seals SIMI headquarters at Zakir Nagar and arrests four senior members of the organisation, including its national president Dr Shahid Badr Falah. Shahid Badr was subsequently charged with sedition and inciting communal disharmony in Uttar Pradesh.

* September 27: Union Government imposes a ban on the SIMI under section 3(1) of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act. Following the ban, 241 SIMI activists were arrested across the country and authorities seal many of its regional offices.

* September 21: Uttar Pradesh Police arrests three SIMI activists in Bahraich for alleged anti-India activities. Five more SIMI cadres were arrested in the same town a day earlier.

* August 8: The Uttar Pradesh Police says SIMI activists arrested in Kanpur earlier have revealed that the ISI had asked one of its agents to supply explosive material for subversive activities in northern India.

* August 6: Police in Kanpur register cases against 12 SIMI activists on charges of waging war and sedition.

* May 9: Police arrest 13 SIMI activists, including zonal President Irshad Khan, in Kurla and Vikhroli in Maharashtra for allegedly possessing weapons and several incriminating documents.

* April 10: Ilyas Gausn, main accused in the Pune communal violence, surrenders before a judicial magistrate in the city.

* March 16: Six persons, including an Additional District Magistrate, are killed in a clash between SIMI activists and police in Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh.

* March 11: Police arrest Sajid Sundke, city unit chief of SIMI, and four of his associates in Pune for their suspected involvement in the communal riots in Ganj Peth and Ghorpade Peth areas of the city.

2000

* March 12: Deputy Chief Minister of Maharashtra, Chhagan Bhujbal, discloses in the State Legislative Assembly that Pakistan-based underworld don Chhota Shakeel, in league with the SIMI, is inciting communal riots in some parts of the State.

* August 15: Uttar Pradesh Police arrest Mohammad Aquil, a former student of Aligarh Muslim University and an active SIMI member, in connection with a bomb blast in the Sabarmati Express train near Faizabad.



The Tigers become history .....

Monday, May 18, 2009

I have seen history being made. In past two decades, I have seen a motley group of "boys" graduating from being jungle guerrillas to the most fierce fighting guerrilla force in the world. Today I have witnessed their downfall.

Prabhakaran is dead along with his family, commanders, family and thousands of civilians. Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam is a thing of past now. However ruthless the Tigers have been in their methods of fight, the way they have struggled and fought to the last man standing has been awe inspiring. I wonder whether the world will ever see another fighting force like this ever again. I wonder if the world will ever like to see .

LTTE didn't loose the war in last one year only. The saga of their downfall started being written when a female Black Tiger assassinated Rajiv Gandhi on a similar hot night 18 years ago. Every subsequent political assassination, every bomb blast, every failed negotiation was like just another word on the epitaph of the Eelam movement. The story of Tamil Tigers is a sad story of won bloody wars and lost chances of peace. How I wish that Prabhakaran had valued peace as much as he idolized war. It was not the courage (or the lack of it) of LTTE cadres but the blood lust of the LTTE leadership which is the cause of their ultimate annihilation.

After crushing LTTE, Mahinda Rajapakse is a hero today. He has a chance to become a legend, if he manages to heal the wounds of the Sri Lankan Tamils, restore their bruised dignity and win back their hearts. I hope he does not loose the chance to immortality like Prabhakaran did not once but thrice. And if he does, it will be catastrophic !

My Life as a Tamil Tiger

Wednesday, May 13, 2009

In 1987, aged 17, Niromi de Soyza shocked her middle-class Sri Lankan family by joining the Tamil Tigers. One of the rebels' first female soldiers, equipped with rifle and cyanide capsule, she was engaged in fierce combat.



From the Telegraph - London


December 23 1987 was a warm, clear day, and I was hiding under a plantana bush with eight of my comrades in a village north of Jaffna. With our rifles cocked and our cyanide capsules clenched between our teeth, we awaited the soldiers who had been scouring the area for us
for several hours. Our orders were to empty our magazines into them before biting into the glass capsules we called 'kuppies' that hung on a thread around our necks. As a Tamil Tiger guerrilla, there was no honour in being caught alive.

There had been 22 of us that morning – nine boys and 13 girls, aged between 15 and 26 (I was 17). Now, four of my comrades were missing, two were wounded. Ten were dead.

At dawn that day, Indian soldiers had surrounded our hideout, an abandoned house in Urumpiraay, a village in Sri Lanka's far north. As the war had intensified, our units were being squeezed out of Jaffna peninsula. We slept in different places each night: in open fields or houses taken by force.

Our sentry had spotted the enemy soldiers beyond a distant line of trees to the south, and Muralie, our unit's second in command, decided that we should flee north across an arterial road. The morning chill was still in the air and the dew dripped from banana leaves as we ran though fields and approached the road. As we attempted to cross it, we were ambushed from both sides in a barrage of automatic gunfire, grenades and mortars.

'Get on the ground!' Muralie commanded. 'Fire and break through!'

Everyone was screaming. We crashed to the earth as the gunfire grew heavier, now coming from behind as well. A helicopter gunship hovered above, strafing. We were surrounded. There was no cover other than a few palmyra and banana trees that dotted the landscape.

Lying on my stomach, I shuffled forward, following another girl, Ajanthi. My heart was pounding and thick smoke stung my eyes. In a state of panic, a few of my comrades attempted to cross the road. One by one, they fell. One was on her back, screaming, 'My leg, someone help me!'

A grenade flew over from my left. As I scrambled to my hands and knees, I realised Gandhi, our area leader, was in its path. 'Gandhi anna, duck!' I screamed. The grenade hit his head and exploded, ripping his skull apart and covering me with blood and tissue.

Ajanthi got to her knees, ready to dash across the road, then abruptly fell backwards, her arms and legs splayed awkwardly. Blood spurted from the centre of her forehead, soaking her auburn hair. In shock, the air left my lungs and I could not inhale it back. Ajanthi had been my friend since primary school and we had joined the Tigers together. She had been hit by a sniper.

I crawled forward holding my AK-47 with both hands, desperate to reach Ajanthi and drag her to safety. To my right, two comrades were trying to drag Muralie, who had also been hit, through the wet grass. His blood-soaked body kept slipping through their hands. As I reached Ajanthi our unit commander, Sudharshan, yanked me by the collar, dragging me with him.

'But Sudharshan anna,' I said, stumbling to my feet. 'We have to get Ajanthi, Muralie and the others.' 'They will follow us,' he said.

We ran through the fields and scrambled over a concrete parapet as rifle rounds flew from behind us, gouging holes in the wall. On the other side, we kept running and found five comrades. Seeing no means of escape, we took shelter under a large lantana bush.

At sunset, confident that the soldiers had moved on, we set out through fields, supporting the injured, eventually reaching a gathering of huts on a narrow lane. News of our arrival spread
quickly, and a curious crowd assembled along the sides of the lane. Most had never seen female Tigers before. An old woman flung her bony arms around me: 'Ayyo, my poor child! Wouldn't your mother's heart break if she saw you like this?' I didn't realise then how I must have
looked – a starved teenage girl with torn clothes, caked in blood, barefoot and carrying an automatic rifle. Most villagers wanted us gone. If the enemy soldiers knew we were still around, they were sure to attack the village.

On Christmas Day we arrived at a hideout occupied by another Tigers unit. I sat outside on the mud veranda, thinking about the ambush. Since joining the Tigers, Ajanthi and I – and another girl, Akila – had been inseparable. The last time I had seen Akila she had been firing her M16 rifle from behind a water tank during the ambush. Sengamalam, one of the boys, told me that more than 2,000 soldiers had been involved in the round-up of our 22-strong unit, and had dumped the bodies of those who died in the open air. My mind swum with images of Ajanthi and Muralie, their bodies being scavenged by dogs.

I heard footsteps and looked up to see the silhouette of three figures approaching our hut. I recognised the tall Akila, her hair in plaits, and ran towards her. As we embraced she told me that, after the ambush, she had survived by hiding in the water tank for two days. 'I wish I was dead, like Ajanthi,' I spluttered. 'How will I face her family again?'

'We have to keep their dream of Tamil Eelam alive,' Akila said. For me, the dream felt far from reach.

I was born in 1969 in Kandy, a Sinhala-majority town in Sri Lanka's hill country, where I spent the first seven years of my childhood. Although I had Tamil ancestry – Tamils make up 18 per cent of Sri Lanka's population – my extended family included Sinhalese, Sri Lanka's main ethnic group. In 1978 I was packed off to the northern Tamil city of Jaffna to live with my grandmother, whom I hardly knew. 'So that you can become a doctor like your aunts and uncles,' my father reasoned. 'Education in Jaffna is far superior.' I was a confident, independent girl, and my parents believed that I would cope well in a new environment without them.

Though I was unsure about becoming a doctor, life in Jaffna was idyllic. Not knowing when I would see my family again, I began to distance myself from them and focused on shaping my own life, making new friends and working hard at school. My weekends were busy with music, art and drama lessons.

Soon after, my father, an engineer, went to work in Dubai (it was becoming difficult for Tamils to get good jobs at home). My mother, a teacher, and sister, who was three years my junior, joined me in Jaffna. I had been oblivious to the deep-rooted tensions that were simmering between the Tamils and Sinhalese, and knew nothing of the anti-Tamil riots that had killed more than 250 Tamils in the country the year before. But before long the growing unrest outside my sheltered world was hard to ignore.

Tamil pressure groups were becoming more vocal in their calls for equal rights between Tamils and Sinhalese, and an end to what many Tamils felt were the government's discriminatory policies. Meanwhile, Sinhala extremism in the south was growing. There were boycotts, strikes and skirmishes. There were reports of Tamil politicians being shot dead, Tamil students being kidnapped.

The quest for equality had spawned a number of militant groups, including the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), known as Tamil Tigers outside Sri Lanka. In the late 1970s they had taken up an armed struggle for an autonomous Tamil homeland – Tamil Eelam – in the north
and north-east of the country. To begin with, they carried out minor attacks on government targets, but on July 23 1983, when I was 14, they ambushed an army patrol in Jaffna, which brought them into the national spotlight.

Thirteen soldiers died that day, but about 1,000 Tamils were said to have lost their lives in an anti-Tamil pogrom in the south that followed. Large numbers of Tamil men, mostly teenagers, reacted to what they saw as the Sri Lankan government's indiscriminate persecution of innocent Tamils and joined the insurgency, which was rapidly gathering support.

By 1985 the situation had escalated into full-scale war in the north and east, with the government launching a military offensive on Jaffna to wipe out the rebellion. From a normal happy upbringing, I now found myself living in constant fear. Jaffna's library, where I spent much of my free time, was burnt down by government forces.

We lived under indiscriminate aerial bombing and artillery shelling, day and night; our movements were restricted by long curfews. We spent many days in our home-built bunker where I studied, listening to gunshots and explosions, still hopeful that my exams would go ahead as scheduled. The Tigers' television station broadcast images of war: militant training camps, dead bodies, Tamil funerals. The images began to haunt me, and I felt outraged that no one was being held to account, and that the outside world was doing nothing.

The government launched further offensives and air raids became commonplace. Bodies were sometimes strewn by the roadside on my way to school, or hanging from lampposts. I was dismayed by the attitude of family and friends who believed that they had no power to change the situation, but didn't support the militant groups either. 'These movements are run mostly by uneducated, low-caste youth,' they said. 'They are not capable of solving the Tamil problem.' But at least they were trying, I thought.

The more I listened to the militants, the more I sympathised with the idea of an armed struggle, the more it seemed like the only response. There had never been any military connections in my family but I felt that if we were going to be killed or driven from our homes, then shouldn't we at least put up a fight? With friends, I talked about joining the insurgency, though few felt the same, believing that such actions would bring disgrace to our families. Middle-class girls didn't do such things.

In May 1987, when I was 17, the Sinhala government launched Operation Liberation, declaring all-out war against the Tamil militants on the Jaffna peninsula. By now, the Tigers had gained administrative control of the region, restricting government forces to their barracks. My mother decided that we would return to Kandy until the war was over. As we prepared to leave, I made up my mind to run away to join the Tigers. I told my mother that I was going to Ajanthi's to say goodbye.

After I told Ajanthi my plans, she said, 'I'll come with you for moral support', and we set off together for the office of the Student Organisation of Liberation Tigers, a large house near Jaffna
University. We were interviewed. They were hesitant about recruiting middle-class girls, but finally relented. Ajanthi said she would miss me too much if I left without her, and was enlisted, too.

'The life of a freedom fighter is harder than you think,' Thileepan, the leader of the Tigers' political wing, warned us, adjusting his spectacles. 'We gamble with our own lives and bury our friends. There'll be none of the comforts you are used to. I'm not convinced that you are suited to this lifestyle, but no one here is held against their will.'

Knowing my mother and sister were out, I went home and wrote them a note explaining that I had joined the Tigers. The following morning, naturally, my mother and sister and Ajanthi's family came to the Tigers' camp to plead with us to return home. 'You are about to ruin your life. This is not for you,' my mother said, grasping my hands, her eyes filled with tears. Ajanthi's father said we had been brainwashed.

Thileepan sent us to work with members of the Tigers' female political wing, the Freedom Birds, contributing articles to their magazine. At the Freedom Birds' headquarters, we met Akila, who at 17 was already an active member. We immediately became friends.

A few weeks later, Ajanthi and I were selected by Thileepan for military training, and sent to an all-girls' camp in an outer suburb of Jaffna. As we were the first group of female fighters to receive military training in Sri Lanka (at this point, there were fewer than 80 female Tigers), the organisation' s enigmatic leader, Velupillai Prabhakaran, wanted to talk to us personally. Prabhakaran was seated behind a table in his office as I entered. The flame from a hurricane lamp cast shadows across his round face, and his large brown eyes glistened.

Although he did not ask many questions, it felt like he knew everything about me. 'There's hardly anyone in our movement from your suburb,' he said. 'Most girls here come from rural areas. They are used to hard work, pounding rice and chopping firewood. Be in no doubt: training is going to be harder for you.'

Training, in a village south of Jaffna, was indeed gruelling. The days began with a two-hour exercise regime, followed by commando training. In the afternoons we had firing practice and lessons in explosives and camouflage. Prabhakaran would visit often, and one afternoon expressed his desire to recruit us into the newly formed Black Tigers, the organisation' s suicide bomber wing. Only a week earlier the first of the Tigers' suicide bombers, known as Captain Miller, had driven a lorry packed with explosives into an army barracks. Prabhakaran wanted to give women the same 'opportunity' , he said. I knew I could never do such a thing because I didn't have the courage.

As the war escalated, civilians were being drawn into the conflict, and a humanitarian crisis was developing in Jaffna. Eventually, the Indian government intervened. It was no secret that India had been fostering Tamil militants and providing them with training and ammunition, and the relationship between the Indian and Sri Lankan governments was strained.

Then the peacekeeping forces arrived, a ceasefire came into effect, and a peace accord was implemented on July 29 1987. The war-weary Tamils welcomed the Indian Peace Keeping Forces (IPKF) with open arms, and our training came to an abrupt halt. But Prabhakaran informed us that our services would be required in a month or two – he was sure that hostilities would resume by then. Like the Sri Lankan government, he did not appreciate the foreign intrusion.

So it came to pass. In September 1987, while other Tamil militant organisations engaged in the political process, Thileepan went on hunger-strike at the Nallur Hindu Temple near Jaffna in protest against certain aspects of the peace deal. Mass rallies were organised by pro-Tiger Tamils in Jaffna and also by Sinhala extremists in the south, both parties believing the IPKF's intervention served only to assert India's supremacy in the region. Fourteen days later, Thileepan died. The Tigers blamed the Indian government for his death, and for standing aside while Sinhalese forces violated the peace deal by arresting some prominent Tigers despite the amnesty provisions, and organising Sinhala settlement programmes in Tamil areas.

The war resumed, just as Prabhakaran had predicted, though now we were fighting not only the government troops but the peacekeepers, too. A few thousand youths suited only for guerrilla warfare, we were no match for the world's second largest army. Fighting the Indians made no sense to me.

I had joined the Tigers to make a stand against my country's oppressive government, but now found myself at war with those who had come to maintain peace. It seemed that we might be destroying our only chance of resolving the situation peacefully. I expressed my doubts to Akila. Fiercely loyal and single-minded, she argued that, as foot soldiers, we were unaware of the complex politics of the situation, and that our leaders knew exactly what they were doing. 'Believe that Anna Prabhakaran is always right,' she told me. I decided to ignore the growing disquiet inside me and joined the war.

In October 1987 I was sent to the battle front north of Jaffna where, by coincidence, Akila and Ajanthi joined me in a unit of 30 cadres. The first female Tiger had died only a few days earlier, confirming that women were now firmly engaged in frontline fighting. During battles we had been trained to fire in the general direction of the enemy, not at individual targets, and I am not sure whether any of my bullets hit anyone. I'm glad I don't know. I once asked the more experienced Muralie how he had coped with the knowledge that he had shot people. 'After your second victim,' he said, 'you learn to live with it.'

The Tigers had no chance of overpowering the Indian army. Jaffna and many surrounding areas were now under their total control. We were being ambushed on an almost daily basis, becoming accustomed to life on the run. Support among Tamil civilians was waning, too. Whenever we encountered them, they pleaded with us to stop this futile war.

By early 1988 self-preservation was now our main strategy. Forced out of the Jaffna peninsula by the IPKF and following an overnight boat trip, we found ourselves in the jungles of the Vanni in the Northeastern Province, where it was easier to lie low. I was now part of a large unit of nearly 45 girls, with Sengamalam, one of only two boys, in charge. We moved around the jungle constantly, enduring primitive living conditions, while 130,000 Indian troops searched for some 2,000 Tigers on foot and by air.

After five months in the jungle, I contracted malaria; many others were ill with dysentery and typhoid. Akila stayed by my side, taking care of me, bringing medication and rice water in a rusty tin. I felt broken, physically and emotionally, constantly questioning the purpose of a war that could clearly never be won.

I had believed the militant propaganda, convinced that Tamil Eelam could be achieved within a year or two, but it was now clear that an armed conflict would resolve nothing. 'You are free to go home any time,' Thileepan had told me. It was time to walk away while I still could. One morning in June 1988, at a house near the forest where we had taken shelter following an attack on our hideout, I approached Sengamalam as he washed at a well.

'I want to resign.'

He stopped drying his face with a sarong and looked at me with alarm.

'Is someone giving you grief?'

'I just can't cope any more,' I said. 'I am tired of this war. I'm weak.'

Calmly, he said that he was sorry, that he was surprised I had lasted so long. 'I must warn you,' he said, 'your life will be in grave danger – from the Sri Lankan army, Indian forces, even rival
organisations. Your name is on their wanted lists.' I didn't care. Surrendering my rifle and kuppie, I severed all ties with the Tigers, unsure of what the future held or whether my family would take me back.

Before I left, I went to say goodbye to Akila. When she saw me wearing a dress, her jaw dropped. 'What's going on? You're leaving?' Consumed with shame, I could hardly speak. 'I can't believe you're leaving me,' she sobbed. 'We have so much to achieve.'

Before I could answer, Sengamalam hurried Akila into the forest and I watched her fade into the bright sun. I never saw her again.

Sengamalam organised for a local boy to take me to an old woman's hut in the nearby town of Kilinochchi. For the next seven days, the old woman and I did not exchange a word or a smile.

One afternoon, while I helped herd her cattle into the shed, I saw my mother running towards me down the dirt lane. The mayor of Kilinochchi, a distant relative of ours, had bumped into the Tamil boy who had taken me to the old woman's hut. The mayor was carrying a photograph of me that my mother had sent him and asked the boy if he had seen me. Once I had been identified, the mayor fetched my mother. The only emotion I felt was relief, as if I was no longer capable of experiencing happiness or sadness. My mother embraced me and sobbed while I stood numb.

'I thought you might have disowned me,' I said, finally.

'You're my daughter,' she replied. 'I'd never give up on you.'

Within two months of being re­united with my family, during which time we never discussed my experiences with the Tigers, I was sent to a boarding school in India, where I completed my studies.

Although now in the country whose army I had fought only months before, I was determined to move on, and make the best of the second chance I had been given. On the surface, normality had returned. My fellow students were girls from affluent families who liked talking about boys, movie stars and make-up. When the lights in our dormitory were turned off at night,
I cried myself to sleep.

In 1990, with help from a relative, I moved to Sydney (my family later moved here, too) and went to university. After my departure from the Tigers, and with a new life opening up to me, I blocked out any news of Sri Lanka as best I could. These days, of course, that is impossible.

The two-year war between the Tigers and the Indian forces came to an end in July 1989, with changes of government in both countries. But the fighting between the Tigers and Sri Lankan government forces continued. The primitive but effective guerrilla organisation that I left behind grew into a sophisticated and formidable fighting force. As its methods became more extreme, the LTTE's notoriety increased – not just within Sri Lanka but all over the world. (In late 2001 it was classified as a terrorist organisation by many countries, including Britain.)

The Tigers have carried out hundreds of suicide attacks over the past two decades – more than all other radical organisations in the world combined – notably the assassination of the former Indian prime minister Rajiv Gandhi in 1991 and the Sri Lankan president Ranasinghe Premadasa in 1993. The guiding principle of the Tigers, which is so difficult for outsiders to understand, is that the greater the sacrifice, the higher the honour. There are no bravery medals or pompous ceremonies for living Tigers. They are recognised for their efforts, and awarded a rank, only posthumously.

The past decade has seen several attempts to form a lasting peace agreement between the Tigers and the government, all unsuccessful, with the most recent deal being torn up in early 2008. Since 2006 the LTTE's numbers have fallen sharply, funding from the Tamil diaspora has dwindled while government forces stepped up their campaign.

At the beginning of this year, a number of crucial Tiger strongholds were recaptured, and the government was confident it would annihilate the remaining 1,000 or so Tigers within months. After three decades, the civil war – which has claimed more than 70,000 lives, including at least 23,000 Tigers – appears to have reached its endgame, the Tigers on the verge of a final, crushing defeat. The Tamils are, it seems, back at square one.

In fact, the situation may be worse than ever, with the UN estimating last month that 150,000 civilians were trapped in the eight-square- mile battle zone, under constant threat of bombing from government forces and being used as human shields by the increasingly desperate Tigers. Some human rights groups have condemned the Sri Lankan government for practising ethnic cleansing against them under the guise of fighting terrorism.

Although the Tigers have staged many comebacks in history, the latest government offensive may prove fatal. But the scars of this war will remain and until a political solution that recognises and respects the rights of the Tamil people is reached, I am certain that the Tamil fight will continue in one form or another.

More and more these days, my thoughts turn to the friends I have lost. Recently, for the first time, I typed Akila's name into Google and found several archived reports and court documents. Akila died on November 1 1995, in a battle against the Sri Lankan army in Neervaeli, a town for which we had fought side by side. With defeat imminent, she ordered the members of her unit to bite into their cyanide capsules, and then did the same herself. She was 24. After her death, she was awarded the highest rank achievable in the Tigers at that time: lieutenant colonel.

The most shocking detail was that she had been wanted for masterminding, along with Prabhakaran, the killing of Rajiv Gandhi. The suicide bomber and her collaborators had been members of Akila's unit, as I might have been if I had not walked away from the Tigers.

On the surface, my life goes on as a happily married mother in an affluent Sydney suburb who enjoys reading, travelling and gardening. But often, in my dreams, I am being chased by soldiers or hanging off the side of a cliff, unable to save myself. It has taken me a long time not to panic when I hear a helicopter overhead.

I rarely discuss my past. Some people cannot believe that someone with my grounded life could have done such things. Others probe deeper, asking if I regret picking up a gun with the intention of killing others. Of course, some will never understand; others may consider me
a former terrorist.

The world has changed since I left the Tigers, just as the Tigers themselves have changed. In this age of terrorism it is easy to dismiss all rebel groups as evil extremists, without considering the desperate circumstances that drive people to align themselves to such organisations.

I tell people that the only reason I joined the war was to defend my people, because I felt there was no other choice. I was not coerced to join the insurgency. As an idealistic 17-year-old, I believed in the power of the individual to make a difference.

Looking back, I recognise the elements of reckless, selfish teenage rebellion in my behaviour. Naively, I had not anticipated how much my family would suffer as a consequence of my actions, and for that, above all else, I am deeply sorry. To this day, my parents have never asked me about my time as a guerrilla. As a mother myself, I understand why: that they must somehow have felt that they had failed in their duty as parents.

I hope that my own children will grow up with firm, positive views, but without the blind idealism I had all those years ago. I will try to teach them tolerance and empathy, that the end doesn't always justify the means, and that violence always breeds more violence. I learnt that lesson the hard way. Sadly, I don't think Sri Lanka has learnt it at all.

Is this our biggest humiliation after the defeat of 1962?

Monday, December 1, 2008

Is the attack or rather say, massacre at Mumbai the most humiliating incidence in Indian history after the defeat of 1962 ? I was not born much after the China War but my parents recall how great was the feeling of humiliation in India at that time, a black stain on the conscience which was washed only after the war of 1965. What do we need to do to wash the blood stains this time?


Today as an Indian, I feel humiliated. When I see the charred remains of Taj, the blood at CST, the grief of the people and the atrocious guts of the terrorist, my head hangs in shame at the ineptitude with which we are securing the boundaries of our nation. I feel threatened more than I have been even after all those bomb blasts. Its like a big psychological jolt for me. My confidence in India as a strong nation seemed to have sagged a little.



continued...

This was not just any attack, it has showed the proverbial chinks in our Armour, has shown how vulnerable we and our lives are.

It exposes a big Security scam, from the Coast Guard to the Intelligence to the Police Forces. Just think of it, it was the Mumbai police with a so called trained "ATS". What will happen if this happens in states/ cities where we have just potbellied ordinary 303 rifle wielding policemen. NSG will again take 10 hours to arrive, how many civilians, policemen and buildings will we loose by then? The terrorists have been successful in their first experiment, next time the will come with more dynamite and RDX to blow up whole localities. Will our RAW, IB blah blah "protect" us then in the same manner they have been doing till now?

We need a big shake up in the whole structure. We still are far from being a zero tolerance nation towards Terrorism (in fact, our tolerance seems to be the highest after Iraq). I wonder when will we shake our selves up from this indifferent sleep.

Till all this is done, will our government be "potent" enough to reply back to this National Shame in a "Munich way" ? Will we Indians be able to get our revenge?

What do you feel ?



A tight slap on the face of India, that is Bharat !

Friday, November 28, 2008


In all probabilities, I will be lynched to say this but this is something I must do. Yes, India has been slapped hard on face and we Indians can do nothing except smarting under the insult. When I was looking at the visuals showing the Tajmahal Hotel in flames, this was the exact thought in my mind- "this is the pride of India being gutted." The attack on Mumbai is a taunt to India, that we are helpless. We are paying the price, of being complacent with enemies and acrimonious with our own brethren. They can see through the farce that is Indian security. India is a sitting duck and the "terrorists" have shown yet again that they can hit us anywhere, anytime they wish. We won't retaliate because we are too spineless to do that.

What next ?

The media will create a huge emotional storm making an average Indian choked over the sacrifice of the brave jawans, conveniently letting them forget that this attack on Mumbai is a huge Security scam. What was our intelligence doing,? How did the terrorists reach Mumbai via sea, where were the Coast Guard and the Navy? How did they manage to enter the supposedly high security hotels? Why was ATS and Mumbai Police so ill prepared even during the encounter- that saw Hawaldars crying in terror when fired upon and top officers lost at once? Will the politicians tell us frankly why they are so soft on Terror ?

Coming on politicians, I want to see what the self styled Saviors of Mumbai did to save it. I am waiting for Mr. R. R. Patil to give the "goli ka jawab goli se". The man who was roaring in press and media after Rahul Raj was murdered, must have realized by now what real terrorism is and what real terrorists look like. This time they did not ask to be given a mobile phone to be able to call the Commissioner, they did not come with a "Katta"- they had satellite phones and AK-47s. Hope the Government, Politicians, ATS and people of Mumbai realize now who is their enemy and instead of persecuting fellow Indians, they try to combat terror (provided they can).

This anger has been seeping inside me bit by bit for past few months but now its unbearable., if I don't cry out my heart will burst. Today, I am an angry Indian ! I want revenge ! I want an eye for an eye and do not care if the world goes blind. I may be a "Bimari" for Mumbai (as they say) and will never set foot there in all probabilities, but please , someone stop these terrorists from entering our Mumbai! Time is running out...